Why Greenpeace failed at Spa
Greenpeace tried to draw attention to Belgian Grand Prix title sponsor Shell's Arctic activities at Spa, but DIETER RENCKEN argues that its protest was an utter failure
The wonder of Greenpeace's protests at the Belgian Grand Prix against title sponsor Shell and the oil company's exploration activities was not the planning or nature of the high-profile stunts, but simply the fact that it has taken six decades for such a body to attack what is hardly an eco-friendly pastime. Even then it was not the event itself that was targeted, but its commercial partner.
Whether or not Greenpeace actually achieved its aim of embarrassing Shell by bringing the plight of Arctic life to the notice of the sport's hundreds of millions of followers is utterly debatable, for the most viewers saw was a slight hiccup during the podium ceremony, when two banners popped up momentarily before being hurriedly taken down by Formula One Management personnel.
Had the environmental body undertaken diligent research into its targeted activity it would soon have realised that FOM's vertical integration enables it to control every aspect of a grand prix, including broadcast rights and Formula 1 copyright.
Thus the hapless souls who pre-race paraglided in from across the nearby German border to float above the circuit effectively received zero airtime - a factor compounded by many on the ground believing their activities to be part of the pre-race build-up and assuming what was visible at that altitude of Shell's subverted half-logo to be part of the sponsor's message.
After all, who bothers to read numbers on Red Arrows jets, or messages on parachute canopies during the race build-up?
A Ferrari passes a banner denouncing one of its main sponsors © LAT
Their six colleagues (representing as many nationalities) who unfurled a 20-metre protest banner on the main grandstand hardly received value for effort, either, for their message enjoyed an audience of about 1000 people - those sat in VIP areas across the stand with time on their hands – for obviously FOM and its broadcast off-shoots would not dedicate even a millisecond of exposure to the banner on the worldwide feed.
Ditto two protesters who scaled the hoarding at Raidillon, but were soon stopped in their tracks. Again, FOM's worldwide feed ignored their activities, while the duo deservedly found themselves arrested for trespassing in a dangerous place.
Had Greenpeace hoped that non-FOM cameras would record their activism, again they were in for disappointment for, where broadcasters have paid substantial sums for additional rights, these are governed by FOM's restrictive agreements. Would any producer risk expulsion from the paddock, having paid gazillions in rights fees?
But Greenpeace had obviously believed its messages would be seen by a global audience – thus the efforts, and costs, the body went to on Sunday – and was left rather deflated despite its subsequent PR blurbs.
That this material makes little reference to the banners and paragliders – focusing instead on podium disruptions, of which more anon – indicates firmly that those ultimately responsible realise they failed spectacularly in this regard.
Greenpeace's banners popped up during the podium ceremony © XPB
Thus Greenpeace's primary stunts fell on few eyes, leading one to question whether this was not a case of wholesale abuse of the non-renewable resources consumed in the transporting of a total of 35 stuntmen and activists plus all their paraphernalia from across Europe, producing banners (containing, by their nature, traces of carbon black and further oil-based products) and distributing post-event bumff.
The alternative is, of course, that Greenpeace has somehow secretly devised eco-friendly, perpetual energy systems, in which case it would be better served marketing these to the world...
As for the podium activities, the disruption was, frankly, no great shakes, with the admittedly ingenious radio-controlled banners hogging the limelight for a few seconds before being disabled, while activists who attempted to abseil down were booed for their bravado – which says it all.
After all, if the two young ladies sought to impress the fervent crowd by risking slight injury on a podium featuring three men who had just taken Eau Rouge flat 44 times, they were clearly misguided...
Podium host David Coulthard refused to be drawn into the affair, and it was left to an unwitting Sebastian Vettel to comment on the jeers. Having been unceremoniously booed for his successes in the past, he likely put it down to uncouth Belgian fans.
Again, by any measure the risk:reward ratio is hardly tilted in Greenpeace's favour, for the banners received little airtime, while attempts by Greenpeace to capitalise on its ''moment' by posting footage on YouTube were, predictably, met with FOM copyright violation claims (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=siuG8JR_z-w) on Monday, forcing the website to delete said material post-haste.
Greenpeace flags are removed from the podium © XPB
Equally predictably, subsequent allegations by activists of rough-handling have surfaced, but any such possible injury fades into total insignificance when compared with the perils team members exposed themselves to as a result of the various stunts, with trespassing into dangerous and prohibited areas being just one example.
On Tuesday Greenpeace distributed an email claiming over 240,000 viewers had seen the podium footage in the 36 hours before the snippet was "removed by YouTube, following a complaint from 'F1 Management'".
However, on Monday afternoon this column viewed the footage before alerting FOM to possible violations, at which point a little over 2000 views had been registered. Within hours the material was gone, so Greenpeace maintains it managed to persuade 238,000 viewers to access a site in 10 per cent of the time it took to attract less than one per cent of that! If they say so...
That the video has little traction is further substantiated by numbers reflected on Greenpeace's UK website, which carries the podium ceremony in contravention (http://greenpeace.co.uk) of copyright laws – something it freely acknowledges. Although at time of writing the video had been flighted for almost 48 hours on its own websitem it attracted but 135 Facebook 'likes' and 35 retweets.
Yet Ben Ayliffe, Arctic campaigner at Greenpeace International, stated: "Bernie Ecclestone and Shell might know how to fill a racetrack, but they clearly have no idea how social media works [sic]. Hundreds of thousands of people [?] have seen the moment Shell's Arctic plans were uncovered at the grand prix, and removing this video will only encourage thousands more to laugh at the company too."
Protesters dangle from a giant Shell hoarding © XPB
The fact remains that hundreds of millions were continuously bombarded by Shell logos all weekend, indicating that the company understands global marketing and product positioning a touch better than does Ayliffe.
Thus, by all accounts Greenpeace's actions against Shell at arguably the most challenging race track in the world can hardly be classed a roaring success, something which became clear in all its post-event correspondence and actions.
The absolute irony is that there exists a precedent, one that eventually resulted in F1 (and Shell) enjoying spectacular year-on-year growth in global awareness, ultimately driving F1's expansion into virgin territories.
Greenpeace's executive, which has at its helm Ana Toni, a Brazilian economist who (conveniently?) sits on the Board of Trustees of Wikimedia Foundation (Wikipedia) as chair, and Kumi Naidoo, a South African-born philosopher/political activist, as Amsterdam-based CEO, would have done well to study the history of F1 before sanctioning Sunday's events.
Indirectly, the body's mid-nineties activism resulted in delivering a massive global marketing platform for Shell via Formula 1 and Ferrari, with the oil company's support eventuating in an unprecedented six-year run of successive championships for the Scuderia and five in a row for Michael Schumacher, to bring his career tally to seven, and arguably contributing to Shell's decision to sponsor the Belgian Grand Prix for five years commencing 2011.
Shell, an F1 stalwart since the world championship's earliest years – as the nostalgic screening of its 1955 Belgian Grand Prix movie made clear in Malmedy last Thursday – departed the sport in the wake of the 1973 oil crisis, being persuaded to return in 1985 with McLaren. For a decade Shell's shell bedecked the red/white cars, winning five constructors' titles and a total of six drivers' via Alain Prost and Ayrton Senna.
Shell was a partner of McLaren during its late-eighties dominance © LAT
For 1995 McLaren switched to Mercedes power, bringing with it a Mobil technical/commercial partnership which survives to this day and is expected to continue after Woking switches back to the Honda engines which contributed so crucially to its late-nineties dominance.
Thus Shell was left out in the F1 cold, with team-of-the-moment Williams-Renault very much wedded to Elf, as was Schumacher's winning Benetton-Renault outfit, while Ferrari was fuelled and oiled by Agip. Behind the scenes, though, two on-the-face-of-it totally unrelated matters were brewing...
On one hand, Ferrari was desperate for the German's services; on the other, Shell had got itself into pickles in the Niger Delta (where people were violently displaced to make way for exploration projects, resulting in the 1995 deaths by hanging of 10 members of the Ongoni tribe, including Ken Saro-Wiwa, award-winning Nigerian writer/playwright and environmental activist) and the North Sea via the infamous Brent Spar oil rig incident.
Greenpeace became aware that Shell planned to sink the rig in the North Atlantic by detonation in February 1995 after conducting an environmental impact assessment in full accordance with existing legislation.
However, Shell's plans led activists to occupy its platforms in April, with members in Germany – one of Shell's largest markets – targeting 200 red/yellow fuel stations, with around 50 eventually being damaged, including two fire-bombed and one bullet-raked. Shell backtracked and the rig was eventually scrapped on land.
The organisation also took up the cause of Saro-Wiwa and fellow tribesmen, their families eventually receiving last-minute out-of-court settlements totalling over $15 million from Shell, although it refused to admit liability for their deaths.
Ferrari teamed up with Shell in 1996 © LAT
The solution to Shell's image problem was so obvious even a sloth could piece together the jigsaw in five minutes flat, with the added attraction that the historic Shell-Ferrari partnership, which existed throughout most of the '50s and '60s, could be rekindled.
Throw in long-term first-fill deals – production Ferraris leaving Maranello with Shell products in sump and tank – and yellow shells on worker uniforms, and it was win-win-win-win deal for F1, team, sponsor and German sporting hero, last-named egged on by a manager with stratospheric fiscal demands of which he trousered a healthy percentage. The deal was announced in mid-August 1995, effective in the 1996 season.
The sport's ratings rocketed, and within a year F1 tsar Bernie Ecclestone announced plans for a grand prix in Malaysia, followed shortly thereafter by a round in the USA (which had fallen off the calendar) in 1991, Bahrain, China and others, eventually resulting in a total reversal of the Europe:Rest of the World balance.
Once back in F1, Shell leveraged its involvement via 'bridge and board' deals, above- and below-the-line activities and, of course, title sponsorship of the Belgian Grand Prix. The net result is that Shell pumps (premium) fuel for around 10 million customers every day via a network of 45,000 stations off its F1/Ferrari platform.
So, Greenpeace, the moral is simple: careful what you wish for...